By Susan Eva Eckstein
This publication has lengthy been considered as the definitive background of Castro's communist regime, starting in 1959 in the course of the Nineteen Nineties. This up-to-date, moment variation includes a new epilogue by means of the writer that covers the decade, together with such newsworthy occasions because the Elian Gonzalez controversy, the growing to be immigrant neighborhood of Cuban-Americans in Florida, the function of Cuban-Americans within the 2000 presidential election, the withering U.S. revenues embargo and the inevitable transition of energy now that Castro is in his mid-70s.
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Extra info for Back From the Future: Cuba Under Castro
25 Objectively, the Moncada attack was a failure. Most of the rebels were tortured when captured. Half were killed, the rest imprisoned. Even the Moscow-aligned PSP repudiated the Moncada attack. Symbolically, though, the attack was important to the revolution. The movement associated with Fidel that five and a half years later destroyed Batista’s regime came to be known as the Twenty-sixth of July Movement (from the date of the Moncada attack). July 26 also became the day that Castro annually commemorated the revolution once he was in power (except in 1992).
81 The military, together with paramilitary militia, quelled counterrevolutionary movements, and in the 1970s they became more heavily involved in overseas missions than any other Third World country (see chapter 7). Links with the Party were strong. There were Party cells within units of the armed forces, and officers with rare exception were Party men. 82 Under Castro the country became heavily militarized, and not merely because of overseas involvements. 83 Castro’s government, moreover, acquired offensive weapons capable of carrying nuclear bombs, and it developed its own limited “military-industrial complex” that centered on the manufacturing of light weapons (including for export).
Evasion of the law will persist as long as the conditions that initially gave rise to the law’s evasion remain. Persons in positions of domination are most apt to feel the need to respond to pressures “from below” when resistance is massive and sudden, especially if it is overt but even if it is covert. Employers, including the state when it owns the “means of production,” can accordingly be expected to respond to worker resistance that results in sudden decreases in productivity —especially when there are no alternative sources of labor on which to draw (owing to labor regulations, skill requirements, or full employment).