By Timothy J. Lynch
In the direction of the tip of his moment time period, apparently George W. Bush's overseas coverage has received few admirers, with pundits and politicians eagerly and opportunistically bashing the tenets of the Bush Doctrine. This provocative account dares to counter the dogma of Bush's Beltway detractors and his ideological enemies, boldly arguing that Bush's coverage deservedly belongs in the mainstream of the yankee international coverage culture. even though the moving tide of public opinion has led many to expect that his successor will repudiate the activities of the previous 8 years, authors Timothy Lynch and Robert S. Singh recommend that there will-and should-be continuity in US international coverage from his Presidency to those that stick with. offering a good audit of the warfare on terror (which they contend will be understood as a moment chilly battle) they cost that the Bush Doctrine has been in step with prior overseas policies-from Republican and Democratic presidencies-and that the major parts of Bush's grand approach will rightly proceed to form America's technique sooner or later. primarily, they are expecting that his successors will pursue the warfare opposed to Islamist terror with related commitment.
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Additional resources for After Bush: The Case for Continuity in American Foreign Policy
The United States was not dedicated to insularity but rather to a proposition that all people have rights – given not by government but by God. These rights were ‘unalienable’ and universal. The particularity of geography necessarily gave way to the universalism of ideology. Indeed, with America’s nationalism defined in civic, not ethnic or religious, terms, the nation was rendered especially attractive as a destination for immigrants from around the world. 33 The consistency of Bush’s rhetoric lies in the rearticulating of this universalistic compulsion – Bush as statesman – one which is in 26 After Bush tension, both before and after 9/11, with his isolationist impulses – Bush the Midland rancher.
When presidents have confronted ideological opponents they have invariably beaten them. To not so dedicate to fight would be to call into question American national identity and the ideological premise of the United States itself. To conduct a discrete North American experiment in the capacity of people for self-government would be to deny the experiment’s universal applicability. Amoral foreign policies do not sit well in the US tradition and tend to have a short shelf life – observe Kissinger’s détente.
We do so in part because he synchronized the quest for security with the mechanism of trade. To grasp this argument it is necessary to understand the ideology of American foreign policy as one substantially rooted in material (and thus in economic and trade) terms. Rather than being pulled in two directions, American foreign policy responds to economic stimulus because its ideology is aspirational in material terms; the Declaration of Independence asserts an unalienable right to the pursuit of happiness.